Religious Fundamentalism, Women and the US’s Neo-Liberal Foreign Political and Economic Policies

The discussion on the connection between the issue of religious fundamentalism and the US’s neo-liberal foreign political and economic policies increased after 9/11 tragedy. The WTC bombing in New York is seemingly evidence of how an Islamic fundamentalist group reacted to economic inequalities under neo-liberal systems. Indeed, the relationships between religious fundamentalism and neo liberalism have existed for a long time. This relationship was politically designed to create political and economic hegemony. As Amy Chua described in her book, World on Fire (2004), neo-liberal model of economic development fueled several ethnic and religious conflicts.

Furthermore, the mystery of Osama bin Laden who was subjected by the US as being involved in the 9/11 tragedy is a crucial evidence of the connection between fundamentalist groups and the US’s neo-liberal policies. This assertion seems illogical if Bin Laden has no business connections with the US. In this regard, why Bin Laden is still free and survives demonstrates how the US government wants to maintain its political and economic interests. Dylan Avery’s documentary movie, Loose Change (2007), tells a story about the conspiracy behind the WTC bombing. Meanwhile, in this article , I would like to observe how women’s issues have a significant role in the connection between religious fundamentalism and the US foreign political and economic policies, which aims to maintain neo liberalism and globalization.

First of all, a brief historical background of how European colonies began invading Muslim countries, such as Egypt and other Middle Eastern countries, is a crucial point in describing this subject of discussion. It was mentioned that around the 15th century, many European voyagers traveled to the Middle East and documented women’s daily experiences. Interestingly, the European travelers only focused on documenting women’s condition of being secluded under Islamic authorities. The travelers problematized women’s veiling, harems, seclusion and domestication, among others. This European document evoked imperialism when European colonies used the women’s stories in these European documents as a reason to occupy Middle East countries. In the name of women’s liberation, European authorities applied the idea of invasion against these countries (Ahmed, 1992). In this regard, women’s issues had a crucial role in the history of Western imperialism over Muslim countries.

It is important to address the case of Iran when Ayatollah Khomeini operated the idea of Islamic fundamentalism. His decision to force Iranian women to wear veils and stay at home was an expression of his politics of religious fundamentalism. Many women’s groups in the country protested against this idea. Many of them expressed their criticism of his ideas in articles, books, public speeches, etc as we can see from the experiences of Hazar Nafisi, Ziba Mir Hosseini and Marjane Satrapi, among others. When dealing with the critics, Khomeini sent the protesters to prisons and accused them of less religious and less moral. In response to Khomeini’s, the women protesters sought protection to the US and other Western countries, such as France, Switzerland, the UK, etc.

The politics of democracy and human rights, especially that of the US government appeared when the US gave political asylum to Iranian women, and the US made a political statement on the matter. On one hand, the US government opened its arms in the name of democracy and human rights protection. On the other hand, the US blamed Iranian authorities for having undemocratic government, and for perpetrating human rights violation and even state violence. This statement became more political since the US often exploited the situation in Iran to legitimize the US position and blame the Iranian government. Indeed, Iranian women also experienced discrimination and violence during the era of the Shah when Pahlevi encouraged Iranian women to unveil in order to look more modern and “pro-Western”. However, the US had no critical response against Pahlevi’s politics or against women’s discrimination. This political game was important for the US in order to keep its good democratic image. Therefore, the US can maintain its political and economic domination over other countries in global world.

Another important case that proved the connection between religious fundamentalism and the economic and political interests of the US was Indonesia under President Soeharto. Influenced by the Iranian Revolution in 1979, many Indonesian Muslims, particularly coming from conservative and fundamentalist groups, expressed the idea of fundamentalist Islamic movements. It was not a coincidence that the 1970s to the late 1990s was a period of time when the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank started authorizing loan in Indonesia.

The government of Indonesia during that time seemed to have a very close political and economic relationship with the US government. Indonesia was an importance ally for the US. This condition of the national politics of the country was worsened when Soeharto also combined his pro-US policy with his political steps to marginalize Muslim groups in response to increasing Islamic fundamentalist expressions. At that time, he nominated non-Muslims and military links for several governmental positions. He not only marginalized Muslims in government, but also created many stigmas and stereotypes against Muslims. These all were the ways Soeharto operated his politics of anti-Muslims. State violence against Muslim groups in the case of Tanjung Priok, Jakarta in 1984 was a part of Soeharto’s political designs to discredit Muslims. He also came up with the idea of restricting female students from wearing the jilbab in their schools. Stereotypical rumors against Muslim women who wore jilbabs were established as a part of the terror against Muslim groups. I remember when I was a student of elementary school, there were many rumors about Muslim women with jilbabs, who were accused of poisoning food in market and poisoning wells.

In the 1990s, President Soeharto changed his politics of anti-Muslim with a more Islamic-friendly political strategy. This new political shifting followed Soeharto’s political goals to attract supporters from Muslim groups. On an international level, the new global political dynamics after Fukuyama’s idea of the end of history tended to prove that the US and its ally dominate universal political and economic structure. In this dominant situation, the US was not concerned about Soeharto’s political way of approaching Muslim groups. At that time, Soeharto began encouraging Muslim female students to wear jilbabs. He also visited the Holy City of Mecca for a pilgrimage, the fifth ritual Islamic foundation. Furthermore, in 1994, he initiated the foundation of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals Union (Ikatan Cendikiawan Muslim Indonesia/ICMI) and gave broader opportunities for Muslims in governmental positions. Indeed, it is an interesting fact that the identity of being Muslim intellectuals was defined by Soeharto. ICMI contained a number of “modernized” Muslim technocrats, who seemed to be loyal followers of modernization and globalization. Muslim women also colored socio-religious life under this politics of ijo royo-royo[1] with their jilbab, women majlis ta’lim (Islamic studies circle) aired on TVs, etc. Therefore, it can be stated that the foundation of ICMI and the other Islamic religious expressions of Soeharto’s government seemed to be a political rhetoric, rather than Soeharto’s religious expression. In this regard, it makes sense that during the time there were many critiques against the politization of religion, particularly coming from so-called neo-traditionalist Muslim groups, such as Abdurrahman Wahid.

I would like to describe another case that shows how religious fundamentalism contributes to discrimination and violence against women and how the US played with this issues by maintaining its foreign political and economic policies. During the Taliban’s administration, Afghan Muslim women lived in poverty and political and economic seclusion. A documentary movie, Robin Benger’s Daughters of Afghan (2003), portrays worst women’s conditions under the Taliban’s Islamic government. They had to not only wear burqa and veil, but also had to experience domestication that led to feminization of poverty. What is interesting to me is the way the US with an obscure foreign political step played with this condition in order to stabilize its political dominance over the country. First of all, the US government was involved in the process of Taliban’s down-falling and yet, the US supported President Hamid Karzai. The US needs to have a political acquaintance that can escort its foreign political and economic policies in the country. Secondly, the US government also played with the issue of women’s human rights. The US government realized that women’s issues were crucial issues in the Taliban governmental policies. The US supported the Ministry of Women in Kharzai’s presidency as a counter political step against Taliban’s politics of women’s seclusion under religious fundamentalism. In this regard, the US appeared to be a hero of Afghan women and a defender of Afghan women’s human rights against Taliban’s fundamentalist movement.

From the description above, it seems that religious fundamentalism has a close connection with the US foreign political and economic policies in bringing about a neo-liberal system of hegemony. In this connection, women’s issues have a strategic position. However, rather than showing political power, women are often victimized in situations under both religious fundamentalism and neo-liberal political and economic systems. This condition indicates that both in religious fundamentalism and neo-liberal system, patriarchal values are still strongly influential in leading the development of the politics of women’s marginalization. Therefore, in this regard, the deconstruction toward more religious liberalism to emancipate Muslim women from the nightmare of religious fundamentalism, on the one side, the changing toward more traditional economic system to liberate women from the problem of neo-liberalism, on the other side, is an important effort. In religious liberalism, Muslim women possibly have adequate opportunities to express their interests. In traditional economic systems, such as a peasant market, women also probably have more spaces to participate in a more equal relationship with men. Finally, I would like to end this paper by emphasizing the importance of following Iranian feminist groups’ way of protesting Khomeini’s politics based on religious fundamentalism. These Iranian feminist’s efforts have two main strong orientations of both calling the international attention and alerting to the national fundamentalist regime. In this regard, the Iranian feminists’ experiences provide great lessons on how to build strategies in struggling against oppressions.

Bibliography

Ahmed, Leila, (1992), Women and Gender in Islam, Historical Roots of a Modern Debates, New Haven and London: Yale University Press

Benger, Robin, (2003), Daughters of Afghan (a Documentary Movie)

Chua, Amy (2004), World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability, New York: Anchor Books
[1] Ijo royo-royo, a Javanese word means hijau in Indonesian or green in English. This color refers to green as the symbolic color of Islam. Therefore, the politics of ijo royo-royo is the politics of Islamization of Indonesia.

The Sati Tradition in Indian Hindu Communities: Virtuous Women or Widow Burning

Introduction: Developing Basis of Understanding

Sati in Indian society is one of the most highly debatable subjects of discussion since this tradition seems to display two opposing pictures of women’s positions in Hindu traditions in India. On one hand, sati is seen as a portrait of a cultural opportunity for women in India to pursue the highest cultural accomplishment within the society. On the other hand, sati is often viewed as a form of cultural barbarism and oppression of women, grounded in Hindu Indian traditions. For example, feminists, particularly western feminism, as well as progressive, groups often stereotype sati as a form of traditional-based discrimination and violence against women. In fact, Indian Hindu societies believe that sati is an important religious and spiritual way for women to reach high status in the society. With this contention between two opposite perspectives in looking at the sati tradition, it is important to develop a cultural understanding of it. Rather than just condemning sati as cultural barbarism, on one side, and perpetrating portrait of women’s subordination, on the other side, cultural understanding will lead one to acknowledge and honor sati as a part of the greatest Indian civilizations, while emphasizing efforts to remove discrimination against women in that tradition.

In this paper, I will observe sati as a part of rich Hindu Indian traditions. This is a fundamental way of avoiding stereotypes against sati. Furthermore, this view is also an important basis to asserting that tradition and culture are historical, contextual and dynamic. In this regard, in this paper, rather than criticizing the cultural form and practice of sati, I will explore the contextual backgrounds of this tradition in order to understand its main values for Hindu Indian society. Observing the main values of sati is an appropriate cultural method of understanding the way Hindu Indian society reaches the highest civilization. In this context, observation can be an important way in mediating between two opposite opinions in viewing sati. Therefore, widow-burning as a form of the cultural practice of sati can possibly be changed with other forms, but the traditional values of providing opportunities for women to pursue high social and religious status in the society can be maintained.

In addition, it is crucial to address the discussion of women’s power in order to avoid stereotyping sati. In this regard, I will look to the possibility of sati tradition providing power for women in Indian society. I assume that if sati is a part of the religious and spiritual belief of Hinduism, this tradition offers a huge space for women to have power within the society. Feminist perspectives are really important in encouraging women to be aware of available power in the sati tradition. Additionally, it is necessary to mention that feminist perspectives possibly contribute to representing a new perspective of the sati tradition by supporting women in finding the most appropriate expression of being good women within Indian Hindu societies. Since women are aware with their power in the sati tradition, they can create the most appropriate cultural expression of being sati, virtuous and good women without sacrificing themselves. Therefore, instead of being a source of criticism against the tradition, feminism offers a significant approach in the discussion of it.

Introducing the Sati Tradition

Sati is an important tradition for Hindu communities in India. It is grounded in the classic history of Indian Hindu traditions and has been perpetuated from generations to generations. Upreti (1991: 1) mentions that “The word sati has come to acquire a religious and spiritual significance for the Hindus.” It is important to say that sati cannot be separated from the ways Hindu communities gain a high religious and spiritual status. The sati tradition is not practiced by all Indian Hindu societies, but among the well-known Indian Hindu societies practicing it are Brahmin communities of Bengal and Rajput of Rajasthan and Deorala in the Sikar district.

Sati or suttee (or su-thi) literally means a good woman or a good wife or a virtuous woman. It has a close correlation to the traditional view within Indian Hindu societies of defining good women and wives. According to Kamat (1997), sati is “the traditional Hindu practice of a widow immolating herself on her husband's funeral pyre.” Furthermore, Kamat says that a “woman who dies burning herself on her husbands’ funeral fire was considered most virtuous, and was believed to directly go to heaven, redeeming all the forefathers rotting in hell, by this ‘meritorious’ act. The woman who committed Sati was worshipped as a Goddess, and temples were built in her memory.” Additionally, Parrilla mentions that “some Hindus believe the act of self-immolation by a widow facilitates the attainment of spiritual salvation for her dead husband.” Harlan (1995: 81) as quoted by Parilla describes that “the woman who commits sati is also revered as a goddess.”

According to Upreti (ibid. 1-2), the traditional belief of sati rests in the mythological stories of the triumvirate of Pervati, Sita and Savitri. Pervati was known as Sati in her former life when she was Shiva’s wife. She burnt herself after she could not listen to her father’s criticism of Shiva. Hence, Upreti says that Pavreti “symbolizes a woman who passed the real test of love with pain and determination,” and “the worship of this Goddess is an integral part of Hindu culture.” As the highest model of sati, as Uperti further asserts, “Sita is a famous, eternally remembered, sweet, innocent, pure, self-sacrificing and self-effacing women,” and “devoted, loyal and faithful wife under all possible adversities –personal, familial and social.” Princess Savitri is the third famous sati. Her father asked her to find a suitable husband and she decided to marry Setyawan who would die within one year. It is told that after the death of her husband, Savitri followed the God of death, Yama, persistently and God was pleased by her devotion. In this regard, “Savitri personifies triumph over death for the sake of husband.” (1997: 2) Therefore, all of these women’s stories are portraits of women whose devotional life is only for their husbands. For these women, nothing matters in their life more than their husbands. These stories are a fundamental cultural background in order to view sati as a way women within Indian Hindu societies express their high level of religiosity and spirituality.

From the description above, I understand that the cultural practices of sati tradition are diverse. In contemporary life, people other than Indian Hindus often view widow burning as the only cultural form of sati tradition. However, to use this point of view to condemn the sati tradition as cultural barbarism that sacrifices women in the name of religious and spiritual Hindu beliefs is not appropriate.

I want to emphasize that the most substantial value of the sati tradition is wives devoting their lives to husbands. The ultimate values of sati are grounded in loyalty, purity, self-sacrifice and self-effacement as the characteristics of virtuous women. These characteristics have a connection to the Hindu belief of viewing husbands as representations of God. In this regard, in my opinion, the final destination of their devotions is to pursue God’s blessings and the highest spiritual place. Pervati’s story is clear evidence of this spiritual reason for her final spiritual goal in accomplishing the highest place as Goddess in her reincarnation. Her devotional expression to her husband is the medium toward the ultimate spiritual positions.

It is important to remember that many women within Indian Hindu tradition worship Goddess of Parvati as a symbol of sati, a virtuous woman. This tradition displays crucial evidence that Hinduism is not really a male-dominant and patriarchal-based belief. In fact, the Hindu belief also provides Goddess to be worshipped. In this regard, sati plays a significant role in giving women in Indian Hindu communities a way to gain the Goddess’s blessings by worshipping Pervati and other sati symbols. In addition, as Upreti mentions, sati is a spiritual way for widows to be fortunate and auspicious since in Indian Hindu society it is a common view to consider widows as unfortunate and inauspicious (ashuba) (Upreti, 6). This perspective is another reason for addressing sati as a tradition providing a chance for women to move towards a high spiritual and religious status. In this regard, it can be concluded that, grounded in its history, sati buries great spiritual and religious values for women within Indian Hindu society in gaining a suitable spiritual status.

Contemporary Sati: Between Spiritual Virtuosity and Cultural-Based Oppression

The discussion of sati first flourished in 1829, following the British colony’s initiative to outlaw this tradition. From this time, Oldenberg, as quoted by Narrayan (1997: 69), asserts that the practice of sati faded into a very rare crime. Furthermore, Narrayan mentions that only four cases of sati were recorded during the four decades between Indian independence in 1947 and 1987 when Roop Kanwar committed to burn herself (Narrayan, 69). This historical fact displays important evidence of the decreasing number of widow burnings in the name of the sati tradition. It is important to note that the British colony played a significant role in increasing the debate on sati. An important focus of the debate was the clash between two “civilizations”, between modernization and tradition. In the name of maintaining tradition and resistance to modernization indigenous Indian Hindu societies refused the idea of outlawing sati. British colony came up with the idea of highlighting sati as cultural-based women’s oppression. Some people of India resisted the idea of restricting sati in the name of a nationalist straggle. It is interesting to note that the British colony also emphasized the problem of misunderstanding Hindu scriptures in leading Indian Hindu societies to widow burning in the sati tradition (Upreti, 1997).

In a more contemporary period, the debate on sati bloomed in 1987 when a well-educated 18-year-old girl from the Rajput caste, Roop Kanwar, decided to be burned alive on her husband’s funeral pyre. It seemed very dramatic since Roop Kanwar and her husband were only married for eight months. Parilla mentions that “varying accounts exist of the incident suggesting that Roop Kanwar may have been forced into self-immolation and she was possibly drugged (Kumar 1995: 81 as quoted by Parilla, “Sati: Virtuous Woman Through Self-Sacrifice,”). Parilla further asserts that this incident created considerable upheaval throughout India and forced the country to re-evaluate the status of women.

The contest between two mainstreams of civilization, modernization and traditional, played a crucial role in reawakening the debate on sati. Western feminists decried Roop Kanwar’s incident as a form of traditional and religious-based oppression and barbarism against women in Indian Hindu societies. These feminist groups even presumed women who committed sati were “victims of patriarchal tradition”. Such western feminist view indeed was a continuity of the colonial perspective in seeing women sati as victims of oppression. According to Upreti (1997: 18), “Christian missionaries had also raised to voice against the custom in both India and Britain by giving an account of widow burning and calling it ‘atrocious murder’.” Based on this viewpoint, Upreti pointed out that the Christian missionaries’ perspective in viewing sati tradition as cultural barbarism was not to purify Hindu tradition of any form of oppression but rather to point out the weaknesses of Hindu beliefs and motivate Hindu people to convert to Christianity (Upreti, 19).

For the Indian Hindu society, the western perspective seems to simplify and generalize the complexity of sati tradition, including its possibility in providing women’s spaces to gain a high spiritual accomplishment. Some feminist groups from India even criticized this western feminist point of view as a form of post-colonial perspective as a basis for framing “the Third World countries” as uncivilized societies. Furthermore, Harlan (1995: 80), as quoted by Parilla, points out that for many traditionalists among Hindu believers, the practice of sati is a symbol of the epitome of wifely devotion, especially among the Rajput caste in Northern India. Furthermore, Harlan says that “some Hindus also believe the act of self-immolation by a widow facilitates the attainment of spiritual salvation for her dead husband. Meanwhile, feminists, political leaders, and many of India’s rural people and elite contend that the glorification of sati is a national disgrace and an immoral act.”

Rather than faulting the traditions and religion of Hinduism, Narrayan, following her criticism of the colonial stance in viewing sati, connects the sati tradition with political and economic interests of Indian Hindu societies, particularly in the Brahmin and Rajpur communities. With her point of view, Narrayan can make a clear analysis in observing the main source of widow burning in sati as a form of oppression against women within Indian Hindu societies. First of all, it is clear from the historical accounts that sati was originally a spiritual way toward the ultimate spiritual place. Political and economic changes greatly influenced the shifting of the sati tradition toward being more supportive of political and economic interests.

According to Oldenberg, Narrayan states that one of the main reasons behind the widow burning of sati in contemporary Indian Hindu societies is the economy. Dowry is an important topic in discussing economic reasons behind the sati tradition. For instance, Narrayan mentions that “Roop Kanwar’s dowry –consisting of a large quantity of gold, fixed deposits in her name, and a wide range of expensive domestic goods—was not only very substantial by Indian standards by also far beyond the assets of her husband’s poorer family” (Narrayan, 71).

Furthermore, Narrayan addresses another important economic advantage for communities that has led to an increase in sati cases. She asserts that “these (widow) immolations have helped turn undistinguished small towns into important places of religious pilgrimage... (and) large and ostentatious sati temples have been erected at the sites of these immolations, ensuring considerable profit for those on the boards that run them” (Narrayan, ibid. 71). As destinations of “religious tourism”, these places provide huge financial opportunities for larger communities. This seems clear proof that rather than referring to traditional and religious Hindu beliefs, perpetuating widow burning of the sati tradition in contemporary life rests in economic interests.

Local castes of Indian Hindu communities have used the politics of sati to support their political goals. Narrayan describes the ruling caste of Kshatriya Rajput, the priestly caste of Brahmins and the wealthy mercantile caste of Banias as the three castes in Rajasthan that were involved in the politics of sati. The Brahmins, one of the most crucial of Hindu fundamentalist groups in India, used sati incidents “to reorganize religious events to commemorate and celebrate sati”. The Rajput used these events “to reinforce their status as a martial race who are historic defenders of ‘Hindu dharma’, at a time when their power and status is declining.” Furthermore, Rajput presumed this tradition as a privilege of this caste as a way to maintain nobility and courage befitting the “mother of a martial race.” Meanwhile, the Banias were seemingly the main financial source of the establishment of the ostentatious sati temples, faith and profit reinforcing each other (Narrayan, 71). For instance, according to Kosambi, Upreti mentions that the Rani Sati temple had 105 branches in different towns and cities and this provided great financial profits for the caste. Furthermore, Upreti (1991: 108-110) interestingly describes this phenomenon of using the sati tradition for economic interests as “the industry of sati” or “commercialization of widow burning.” In this regard, Narrayan finally concludes that the sati tradition in contemporary local Indian Hindu communities provides economic, political and cultural power for these local castes.

At the national level, an example of the politics of sati existed in the responses of politicians to Roop Kanwar’s death. Mala Sen (2001: 31), based on report of the Bombay Union of Journalists (BJU) that the Chief Minister of Rajasthan, Harideo Jushi, two days after the incident expressly condemned the incident and stated that Roop Kanwar had committed the widow burning voluntarily without forcing from religious Hindu communities. This statement indicated his political intention to protect religious Hindu groups as targets of blame as a traditional power behind the incident.

From the description of the complexity of sati, blaming this tradition as a form of cultural barbarism of Indian Hinduism is an over simplification. In other words, this perspective is grounded in post-colonial stance that simply views sati as victimizing women based on traditional and religious beliefs of Hinduism. In fact, economic and political interests and the orientation toward socio-cultural power greatly contributed to creating the portrait of women’s oppression in sati practices. To some extent, it can be stated that the portrait of women’s oppression in sati practices is a form of cultural shift of this tradition from a spiritual devotion to political and economic expression. In this regard, rather than blaming the tradition and belief of Hinduism, it is a more appropriate understanding to express critical responses to Hindu communities that used the sati tradition for their political and economic goals. In fact, it is also important to mention, the politics of women’s oppression exists not only within Hindu Indian societies but also other religious and political groups.

Finally, it important to take an appropriate and comprehensive multicultural approach in viewing the sati tradition in order to avoid generalization and oversimplification which would end in the problem of tradition-based condemnation. A multicultural approach provides the possibility to develop a cultural understanding of sati which views it as an integral cultural practice of Indian Hindu traditions which existed a long time ago. This approach also can significantly view the main source of women’s oppression in sati practices grounded more on economic and political interests than on religious and spiritual beliefs of Hinduism in giving women from the society space and power for being good women. Indeed, being considered as good women and good wives improve their spiritual status within the societies.

Redefining Virtue (about Women’s Power) in the Sati Tradition

In this subtopic, I want to discuss how to redefine some cultural and religious concepts in the sati tradition. Through this discussion, I mean to focus the debate on sati practices of substantial traditional values rather than on cultural forms of this tradition. Therefore, I will not criticize sati as a part of traditional and religious-based women’s oppression or as cultural barbarism, but, rather, I will emphasize the values of sati that possibly provide cultural and spiritual power for women within the societies. One of the most important values regarding sati as women’s power is the concept of virtue as a basis of good women or good wives, sati.

Theoretically, the sati tradition is described as being voluntarily committed by women as an expression of their religiosity and traditional piety of Hinduism and it was self immolation. In fact, for example, Upreti (1991: 14) mentions that in practice, women were often forced by societies into practicing sati. It is important to the discussion of sati to agree on terms of either voluntary decision or forced-action in order to address women’s perspectives in using this tradition for their interests. Based on Upreti’s description, it can be stated that social force behind sati practices is a form of deviation from the original Hindu tradition.

Since sati was originally a voluntary spiritual action, women could freely create their own ideas of sati practices. In this regard, an important effort to introduce to women in the societies practicing sati is women’s empowerment in order to build their strong position within societies. It is important in this agenda to reintroduce women to the ultimate values of the sati tradition so they cannot point sacrificing or burning themselves as the only religious devotion. In other words, since the substantial value of the sati tradition is to pursue the ultimate place of swargaloka and paramount spiritual happiness, a crucial agenda is to introduce a perspective that can encourage women to gain this value without burning and “sacrificing” themselves. Therefore, through this effort, we can transform the values of the sati tradition in diverse cultural practices as its original constructions.

In a voluntary spirit to practice sati, women also can freely redefine the concept of virtue that leads to the construction of good women or good wives. A patriarchal perspective defines virtuous women based only on men’s own dominant interests, including political, economic, traditional and religious interests. This perspective does not provide adequate space for women to express their own interests. Therefore, the patriarchal-based concept of good women refers to women who are taken for granted and obey a male’s instructions. From this point of view, women are presumed to have no rights for bargaining their opinions about being good women. Women’s criticism or refusal against male’s instructions is a form of social subversion, a reason for men to exclude women from societies.

Since the ultimate meaning of the sati tradition is to provide an opportunity for women in pursuing the highest level of spiritual accomplishment, virtue in this tradition can be possibly innovated in many cultural forms without abrogating the meaning. Rather than focusing only on self-sacrifice, women can pursue the highest spiritual status with other spiritual vehicles. For example, instead of burning themselves, women can express their spiritual-based devotion of their husbands with prayer and other ritual religious traditions. In addition, as economic problems of societies lead to contemporary sati practices of victimizing and sacrificing women, it is important to seek several ways to empower women’s economy. In fact, poverty is one of the main sources of widow burning for, among the reasons, it is usually impossible for the women to repay dowry.

It is also important to address religious fundamentalism as factor of stereotyping against the sati tradition. Fundamentalist groups in Indian Hindu communities used sati practices to organize religious masses to increase their political support. In this context, it is necessary to address the idea of secularism in order to avoid using religious tradition for political goals. Public education to develop more contextual and open-minded religious thinking is an important effort to support the idea of secularism.

Cross-cultural dialogues are a significant foundation for discussing the sati tradition for redefining women’s power. Through cross-cultural dialogues, the western concept of feminism, for example, will not dominate the construction of women’s power definitions that often call women from different cultural backgrounds victims of traditions, as in the case of sati. It is necessary to understand the main substantial values behind traditions by providing space for local people to explain their understanding of traditions. Local women can define feminism based on their own traditions and culture. On one hand, western feminists play a significant role in encouraging local women to be more aware of the power opportunities provided in their traditions. Living with traditions often blocks local people’s awareness of available power and follow these traditions which are taken for granted. On the other hand, through a multicultural approach, western feminists will not easily judge the sati practice as a source of victimization of women. In this regard, a multicultural perspective can mediate the cultural gap between indigenous and foreign people in viewing the sati tradition.

Conclusion

Some castes within Indian Hindu societies view the sati tradition as a part of the religious beliefs of Hinduism. This cultural practice has deep historical roots in the history of Indian Hindu tradition. The debate about sati increased regarding the many cases that were viewed as cultural-based oppression of women, including widow burning. It is not an appropriate approach to view sati merely as a form of cultural-based barbarism based only on specific reasons for incidences of widow burning. In fact, sati is practiced for various interests, including economics and politics. Therefore, it is important to conduct multicultural dialogues in order to gain better understanding and avoid generalization of this tradition. Through these dialogues, it is possible to use the sati tradition as an opportunity for women to redevelop spiritual and cultural power. Thus, women can transform the powerful value of sati based on their interests.

Bibliography
Kamat, Jyotsna, “The Tradition of Sati in India,” in http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/hindu/sati.htm (excerpted June 2, 2007)
Narrayan, Umma. 1997. Dislocating Culture: Identities, Traditions, and Third World Feminism, New York: Routledge
Parrilla, Vanessa, “Sati: Virtuous Woman through Self-Sacrifice,” in http://www.csuchico.edu/~cheinz/syllabi/asst001/spring99/parrilla/parr1.htm (excerpted June 2, 2007)
Sen, Mala. 2001. Death by Fire: Sati, Dowry Death and Female Infanticide in Modern India, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press
Upreti, H.C., Upreti Nandini. 1991. The Myth of Sati (Some Dimensions of Widow Burning), Delhi: Himalaya Publishing House